Kolaujan,Amirabad-Lohagara,a small Upazila in Chittagong on the Highway to Cox’sBazaar
I had the opportunity to enjoy this traditional village fair by introducing a friend named Nishan Das.It was really a awesome visit and i had a never ending affection and love from these village peoples,
the fair was mainly based on hindu_religious function “Great festival/ মহা উৎসব/moha utshob, for thei holy priest Mr. sri sri Anukul Thakur. the festival offers free dinner and lunch for the visitors and village people, and my experience with these non veg- food was really an epic moment of my life.
one thing that attracted more is the varieties of sweet meat, Like Shadhur Rosogolla (white bettery ,spongy, syrapy white sweet ball) and Amitri jilapi (red sweet ,crunchy).
family by other members, due to the perpetrators’ belief that the victim has brought shame or dishonor upon the family, or has violated the principles of a community or a religion, usually for reasons such as refusing to enter an arranged marriage, being in a relationship that is disapproved by their family, having sex outside marriage, becoming the victim of rape, dressing in ways which are deemed inappropriate, engaging in non-heterosexual relations or renouncing a faith
The cultural features which lead to honor killings are complex. Honor killings involve violence and fear as a tool of maintaining control. Honor killings are argued to have their origin among nomadic peoples and herdsmen: such populations carry all their valuables with them and risk having them stolen, and do not have proper recourse to law. As a result, inspiring fear, using aggression, and cultivating a reputation for violent revenge in order to protect property is preferred to other behaviors. In societies where there is a weak rule of law, people must build fierce reputations.
islam,women,honor killing by nazhat shakir
Vice News – Honor killing in Pakistan
documentery by nazhat shakir (AUW)
edited by shadman amin tasin
In many cultures where honor is of central value, men are sources, or active generators/agents of that honor, while the only effect that women can have on honor is to destroy it. Once the family’s or clan’s honor is considered to have been destroyed by a woman, there is a need for immediate revenge to restore it, in order for the family to avoid losing face in the community. As Amnesty International statement notes:
The regime of honour is unforgiving: women on whom suspicion has fallen are not given an opportunity to defend themselves, and family members have no socially acceptable alternative but to remove the stain on their honour by attacking the woman.
d honor killings is complex. The way through which women in honor-based societies are considered to bring dishonor to men is often through their sexual behavior. Indeed, violence related to female sexual expression has been documented since Ancient Rome, when the pater familias had the right to kill an unmarried sexually active daughter or an adulterous wife. In medieval Europe, early Jewish law mandated stoning for an adulterous wife and her partner.Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, an anthropology professor at Rhode Island College, writes that an act, or even alleged act, of any female sexual misconduct, upsets the moral order of the culture, and bloodshed is the only way to remove any shame brought by the actions and restore social equilibrium.However, the relation between honor and female sexuality is a complicated one, and some authors argue that it is not women’s sexuality per se that is the ‘problem’, but rather women’s self-determination in regard to it, as well as fertility. Sharif Kanaana, professor of anthropology at Birzeit University, says that honor killing is:
A complicated issue that cuts deep into the history of Islamic society. .. What the men of the family, clan, or tribe seek control of in a patrilineal society is reproductive power. Women for the tribe were considered a factory for making men. The honour killing is not a means to control sexual power or behavior. What’s behind it is the issue of fertility, or reproductive power.
In some cultures, honor killings are considered less serious than other murders simply because they arise from long-standing cultural traditions and are thus deemed appropriate or justifiable.[25] Additionally, according to a poll done by the BBC’s Asian network, 1 in 10 of the 500 young Asians surveyed said they would condone any murder of someone who threatened their family’s honor. Nighat Taufeeq of the women’s resource center Shirkatgah in Lahore, Pakistan says: “It is an unholy alliance that works against women: the killers take pride in what they have done, the tribal leaders condone the act and protect the killers and the police connive the cover-up. The lawyer and human rights activist Hina Jilani says, “The right to life of women in Pakistan is conditional on their obeying social norms and traditions.” A July 2008 Turkish study by a team from Dicle University on honor killings in the Southeastern Anatolia Region, the predominantly Kurdish area of Turkey, has so far shown that little if any social stigma is attached to honor killing. It also comments that the practice is not related to a feudal societal structure, “there are also perpetrators who are well-educated university graduates. Of all those surveyed, 60 percent are either high school or university graduates or at the very least, literate.”. In contemporary times, the changing cultural and economic status of women has also been used to explain the occurrences of honor killings. Women in largely patriarchal cultures who have gained economic independence from their families go against their male-dominated culture. Some researchers argue that the shift towards greater responsibility for women and less for their fathers may cause their male family members to act in oppressive and sometimes violent manners in order to regain authority. This change of culture can also be seen to have an effect in Western cultures such as Britain among South Asian and Middle-Eastern communities where honor killings often arise from women seeking greater independence and adopting seemingly Western values. For women who trace their ancestry back to the Middle East or South Asia, wearing clothes that are considered Western, having a boyfriend, or refusing to accept an arranged marriage are all offenses that can and have led to an honor killing. Fareena Alam, editor of a Muslim magazine, writes that honor killings which arise in Western cultures such as Britain are a tactic for immigrant families to cope with the alienating consequences of urbanization. Alam argues that immigrants remain close to the home culture and their relatives because it provides a safety net. She writes that, “In villages “back home”, a man’s sphere of control was broader, with a large support system. In our cities full of strangers, there is virtually no control over who one’s family members sit, talk or work with.” Alam argues that it is thus the attempt to regain control and the feelings of alienation that ultimately leads to an honor killing.
Specific triggers of honor killings-
Refusal of an arranged marriage
Main article: Forced marriage
Refusal of an arranged marriage is often a cause of an honor killing. The family which has prearranged the marriage risks disgrace if the marriage does not proceed. Seeking a divorce
A woman attempting to obtain a divorce or separation without the consent of the husband/extended family can also be a trigger for honor killings. In cultures where marriages are arranged and goods are often exchanged between families, a woman’s desire to seek a divorce is often viewed as an insult to the men who negotiated the deal.[38] By making their marital problems known outside the family, the women are seen as exposing the family to public dishonor. Allegations and rumors about a family member
In certain cultures, an allegation against a woman can be enough to tarnish her family’s reputation, and to trigger an honor killing: the family’s fear of being ostracized by the community is enormous. Victims of rape
Main article: Victim blaming
In many cultures, victims of rape face severe violence, including honor killings, from their families and relatives. In many parts of the world, women who have been raped are considered to have brought ‘dishonor’ or ‘disgrace’ to their families. This is especially the case if the victim becomes pregnant.
Central to the code of honor, in many societies, is a woman’s virginity, which must be preserved until marriage.Suzanne Ruggi writes, “A woman’s virginity is the property of the men around her, first her father, later a gift for her husband; a virtual dowry as she graduates to marriage.” Homosexuality
Further information: Violence against LGBT people
There is evidence that homosexuality can also be perceived as grounds for honor killing by relatives. It is not only same-sex sexual acts that trigger violence – behaviors that are regarded as inappropriate gender expression (e.g. a male acting or dressing in a “feminine way”) can also raise suspicion and lead to honor violence.
In one case, a gay Jordanian man was shot and wounded by his brother.[46] In another case, in 2008, a homosexual Turkish-Kurdish student, Ahmet Yildiz, was shot outside a cafe and later died in the hospital. Sociologists have called this Turkey’s first publicized gay honor killing.In 2012, a 17-year-old gay youth was murdered by his father in Turkey in the southeastern province of Diyarbakır.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees state that “claims made by LGBT persons often reveal exposure to physical and sexual violence, extended periods of detention, medical abuse, threat of execution and honour killing.
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family by other members, due to the perpetrators’ belief that the victim has brought shame or dishonor upon the family, or has violated the principles of a community or a religion, usually for reasons such as refusing to enter an arranged marriage, being in a relationship that is disapproved by their family, having sex outside marriage, becoming the victim of rape, dressing in ways which are deemed inappropriate, engaging in non-heterosexual relations or renouncing a faith
The cultural features which lead to honor killings are complex. Honor killings involve violence and fear as a tool of maintaining control. Honor killings are argued to have their origin among nomadic peoples and herdsmen: such populations carry all their valuables with them and risk having them stolen, and do not have proper recourse to law. As a result, inspiring fear, using aggression, and cultivating a reputation for violent revenge in order to protect property is preferred to other behaviors. In societies where there is a weak rule of law, people must build fierce reputations.
In many cultures where honor is of central value, men are sources, or active generators/agents of that honor, while the only effect that women can have on honor is to destroy it. Once the family’s or clan’s honor is considered to have been destroyed by a woman, there is a need for immediate revenge to restore it, in order for the family to avoid losing face in the community. As Amnesty International statement notes:
The regime of honour is unforgiving: women on whom suspicion has fallen are not given an opportunity to defend themselves, and family members have no socially acceptable alternative but to remove the stain on their honour by attacking the woman.
d honor killings is complex. The way through which women in honor-based societies are considered to bring dishonor to men is often through their sexual behavior. Indeed, violence related to female sexual expression has been documented since Ancient Rome, when the pater familias had the right to kill an unmarried sexually active daughter or an adulterous wife. In medieval Europe, early Jewish law mandated stoning for an adulterous wife and her partner.Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban, an anthropology professor at Rhode Island College, writes that an act, or even alleged act, of any female sexual misconduct, upsets the moral order of the culture, and bloodshed is the only way to remove any shame brought by the actions and restore social equilibrium.However, the relation between honor and female sexuality is a complicated one, and some authors argue that it is not women’s sexuality per se that is the ‘problem’, but rather women’s self-determination in regard to it, as well as fertility. Sharif Kanaana, professor of anthropology at Birzeit University, says that honor killing is:
A complicated issue that cuts deep into the history of Islamic society. .. What the men of the family, clan, or tribe seek control of in a patrilineal society is reproductive power. Women for the tribe were considered a factory for making men. The honour killing is not a means to control sexual power or behavior. What’s behind it is the issue of fertility, or reproductive power.
In some cultures, honor killings are considered less serious than other murders simply because they arise from long-standing cultural traditions and are thus deemed appropriate or justifiable.[25] Additionally, according to a poll done by the BBC’s Asian network, 1 in 10 of the 500 young Asians surveyed said they would condone any murder of someone who threatened their family’s honor. Nighat Taufeeq of the women’s resource center Shirkatgah in Lahore, Pakistan says: “It is an unholy alliance that works against women: the killers take pride in what they have done, the tribal leaders condone the act and protect the killers and the police connive the cover-up. The lawyer and human rights activist Hina Jilani says, “The right to life of women in Pakistan is conditional on their obeying social norms and traditions.” A July 2008 Turkish study by a team from Dicle University on honor killings in the Southeastern Anatolia Region, the predominantly Kurdish area of Turkey, has so far shown that little if any social stigma is attached to honor killing. It also comments that the practice is not related to a feudal societal structure, “there are also perpetrators who are well-educated university graduates. Of all those surveyed, 60 percent are either high school or university graduates or at the very least, literate.”. In contemporary times, the changing cultural and economic status of women has also been used to explain the occurrences of honor killings. Women in largely patriarchal cultures who have gained economic independence from their families go against their male-dominated culture. Some researchers argue that the shift towards greater responsibility for women and less for their fathers may cause their male family members to act in oppressive and sometimes violent manners in order to regain authority. This change of culture can also be seen to have an effect in Western cultures such as Britain among South Asian and Middle-Eastern communities where honor killings often arise from women seeking greater independence and adopting seemingly Western values. For women who trace their ancestry back to the Middle East or South Asia, wearing clothes that are considered Western, having a boyfriend, or refusing to accept an arranged marriage are all offenses that can and have led to an honor killing. Fareena Alam, editor of a Muslim magazine, writes that honor killings which arise in Western cultures such as Britain are a tactic for immigrant families to cope with the alienating consequences of urbanization. Alam argues that immigrants remain close to the home culture and their relatives because it provides a safety net. She writes that, “In villages “back home”, a man’s sphere of control was broader, with a large support system. In our cities full of strangers, there is virtually no control over who one’s family members sit, talk or work with.” Alam argues that it is thus the attempt to regain control and the feelings of alienation that ultimately leads to an honor killing.
Specific triggers of honor killings-
Refusal of an arranged marriage
Main article: Forced marriage
Refusal of an arranged marriage is often a cause of an honor killing. The family which has prearranged the marriage risks disgrace if the marriage does not proceed. Seeking a divorce
A woman attempting to obtain a divorce or separation without the consent of the husband/extended family can also be a trigger for honor killings. In cultures where marriages are arranged and goods are often exchanged between families, a woman’s desire to seek a divorce is often viewed as an insult to the men who negotiated the deal.[38] By making their marital problems known outside the family, the women are seen as exposing the family to public dishonor. Allegations and rumors about a family member
In certain cultures, an allegation against a woman can be enough to tarnish her family’s reputation, and to trigger an honor killing: the family’s fear of being ostracized by the community is enormous. Victims of rape
Main article: Victim blaming
In many cultures, victims of rape face severe violence, including honor killings, from their families and relatives. In many parts of the world, women who have been raped are considered to have brought ‘dishonor’ or ‘disgrace’ to their families. This is especially the case if the victim becomes pregnant.
Central to the code of honor, in many societies, is a woman’s virginity, which must be preserved until marriage.Suzanne Ruggi writes, “A woman’s virginity is the property of the men around her, first her father, later a gift for her husband; a virtual dowry as she graduates to marriage.” Homosexuality
Further information: Violence against LGBT people
There is evidence that homosexuality can also be perceived as grounds for honor killing by relatives. It is not only same-sex sexual acts that trigger violence – behaviors that are regarded as inappropriate gender expression (e.g. a male acting or dressing in a “feminine way”) can also raise suspicion and lead to honor violence.
In one case, a gay Jordanian man was shot and wounded by his brother.[46] In another case, in 2008, a homosexual Turkish-Kurdish student, Ahmet Yildiz, was shot outside a cafe and later died in the hospital. Sociologists have called this Turkey’s first publicized gay honor killing.In 2012, a 17-year-old gay youth was murdered by his father in Turkey in the southeastern province of Diyarbakır.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees state that “claims made by LGBT persons often reveal exposure to physical and sexual violence, extended periods of detention, medical abuse, threat of execution and honour killing.
Presenting , most romantic & melodies INSTRUMENTAL music track from the short film “BOKHATE” in the beautiful voice of SAJIB RANA & SALMA, composed by AHMMED HUMAYUN and written & tuned by SWARAJ DEB.
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Short Film- BOKHATE
Story- Swaraj Deb
Script- Taimur Mahmud Shomik & Utsob Paul
Cast- Siam, Toya & Others
Direction- Swaraj Deb
Background Music- Ahmmed humayun
Dop- Ridoy Sarker
Post- Ismail Hossain
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(Bengali: কক্সবাজার, Kaksbajar) is a town, a fishing port and DISTRICT headquarters in Bangladesh. The beach in Cox’s Bazar is an unbroken 120 km sandy sea beach with a gentle slope, one of the world’s longest.It is located 150 km south of the industrial port Chittagong. Cox’s Bazar is also known by the name Panowa, whose literal translation means “yellow flower.” Its other old name was “Palongkee”.
The modern Cox’s Bazar derives its name from Captain Hiram Cox (died 1799), an officer of the British East India Company. Cox was appointed Superintendent of Palongkee outpost after Warren Hastings became Governor of Bengal. Captain Cox was specially mobilised to deal with a century-long conflict between Arakan refugees and local Rakhains. He embarked upon the task of rehabilitating refugees in the area and made significant progress. Captain Cox died in 1799 before he could finish his work. To commemorate his role in rehabilitation work, a market was established and named Cox’s Bazar (“Cox’s Market”) after him.
Today, Cox’s Bazar is one of the most-visited tourist destinations in Bangladesh, though it is not a major international tourist destination. In 2013, the Bangladesh Government formed the Tourist Police unit to better protect local and foreign tourists, as well as to look after the nature and wildlife in the tourist spots of Cox’s Bazar.
Tourists & visitors are always attracted to Dried fishes , snail,oyster clam shells, and most tasty Pickles from plums, tamarind
above i introduced the best dryfish seller of Cox’sBazar beach B.K.N ENTERPRISE
Beach Market,Cox’s Bazar(below slide show)
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Burmese Pickles(plum,tamarind,mango,shrimp) are main tourist attractions
Local market sells cloths ,shoes,beach dress,hats,toys, foods
Pancreatic cancer is among the most serious of all cancers.
Although only the eleventh most common form
of cancer, with about 43,000 new cases each year in the
United States, pancreatic cancer is the fourth leading cause
of death due to cancer, killing more than 36,000 people
each year. Most people with pancreatic cancer survive
less than 6 months after the cancer is diagnosed; only 5%
survive more than 5 years. A primary reason for pancreatic
cancer’s lethality is its propensity to spread rapidly to
the lymph nodes and other organs. Most symptoms don’t
appear until the disease is advanced and the cancer has
invaded other organs. So what makes pancreatic cancer so
likely to spread?
In 2006, researchers identified a key gene that contributes
to the development of pancreatic cancer—an important
source of insight into pancreatic cancer’s aggressive nature. Geneticists at the University
of Washington in Seattle had found a unique family in which nine members over three
generations were diagnosed with pancreatic cancer (Figure 23.1). Nine additional family
members had precancerous growths that were likely to develop into pancreatic cancer. In
this family, pancreatic cancer was inherited as an autosomal dominant trait.
Using gene-mapping techniques, the geneticists determined that the gene causing
pancreatic cancer in the family was located within a region on the long arm of chromosome
4. Unfortunately, this region encompasses 16 million base pairs and includes
250 genes.
To determine which of the 250 genes in the delineated region might be responsible for
cancer in the family, researchers designed a unique microarray (see Chapter 20) that contained
sequences from the region. They used this microarray to examine gene expression
in pancreatic tumors and precancerous growths in family members, as well as in sporadic
pancreatic tumors in other people and in normal pancreatic tissue from unaffected people.
The researchers reasoned that the cancer gene might be overexpressed or underexpressed
in the tumors relative to normal tissue. Data from the microarray revealed that the most
overexpressed gene in the pancreatic tumors and precancerous growths was a gene encoding
a critical component of the cytoskeleton—a gene called palladin. Sequencing demonstrated
that all members of the family with pancreatic cancer had an identical mutation in
exon 2 of the palladin gene.
The palladin gene is named for
Renaissance architect Andrea Palladio
because palladin plays a central role in the
architecture of the cell. Palladin protein
functions as a scaffold for the binding of the
other cytoskeleton proteins that are necessary
for maintaining cell shape, movement,
and differentiation. The ability of a cancer
cell to spread is directly related to its cytoskeleton;
cells that spread typically have
poor cytoskeleton architecture, enabling
them to detach easily from a primary tumor
mass and migrate through other tissues. To
determine whether mutations in the palladin
gene affect cell mobility, researchers genetically engineered cells with a mutant copy of the
palladin gene and tested the ability of these cells to migrate. The cells with mutated palladin
were 33% more efficient at migrating than cells with normal palladin, demonstrating that the
palladin gene contributes to the ability of pancreatic cancer cells to spread.
The discovery of palladin’s link to pancreatic cancer
illustrates the power of modern molecular genetics for
unraveling the biological nature of cancer. In this chapter,
we examine the genetic nature of cancer, a peculiar disease
that is fundamentally genetic but is often not inherited. We
begin by considering the nature of cancer and how multiple
genetic alterations are required to transform a normal cell
into a cancerous one. We then consider some of the types
of genes that contribute to cancer, including oncogenes
and tumor-suppressor genes, genes that control the cell
cycle, genes in signal-transduction pathways, genes encoding
DNA-repair systems and telomerase, and genes that, like
palladin, contribute to the spread of cancer. Next, we take a
look at chromosome mutations associated with cancer and
genomic instability. We examine the role that viruses play in
some cancers and epigenetic changes associated with cancer.
Finally, we take a detailed look at how specific genes contribute
to the progression of colon cancer.
Catalytic antibodies are antibodies that can enhance a couple of chemical and metabolic reactions in the body by binding a chemical group, resembling the transition state of a given reaction. Catalytic antibodies are produced when an antibody is immunized with a hapten molecule. The hapten molecule is usually designed to resemble the transition state of metabolic reaction. Antibodies act like soldiers to the body, fighting unwanted materials. They are secreted, for instance, when the body is infected with a bacterium or virus.
The animal produces antibodies with binding sites that are exactly complementary to some molecular feature of the invader. The antibodies can thus recognize and bind only to the invader, identifying it as foreign and leading to its destruction by the rest of the immune system. Antibodies are alsoelicited in large quantity when an animal is injected with molecules, a process known as immunization. A small molecule used for immunization is called a hapten. Ordinarily, only large molecules effectively elicit antibodies via immunization, so small-moleculehaptens must be attached to a large protein molecule, called a carrier protein, prior to the actual immunization. Antibodies that are produced after immunization with the hapten-carrier protein conjugate are complementary to, and thus specifically bind, the hapten.Ordinarily, antibody molecules simply bind; they do not catalyze reactions. However, catalytic antibodies are produced when animals are immunized with hapten molecules that are specially designed to elicit antibodies that have binding pockets capable of catalyzing chemical reactions. For example, in the simplest cases, binding forces within the antibody binding pocket are enlisted to stabilize transition states and intermediates, thereby lowering a reaction’s energy barrier and increasing its rate.This can occur when the antibodies have a binding site that is complementary to a transition state or intermediate structure in terms of both three-dimensional geometry and charge distribution. This complementarity leadsto catalysis by encouraging the substrate to adopt a transition-state-like geometry and charge distribution. Not only is the energy barrier lowered for the desired reaction, but other geometries and charge distributions that would lead to unwanted products can be prevented, increasing reaction selectivity.Making antibodies with binding pockets complementary to transition states is complicated by the fact that true transition states and most reaction intermediates are unstable. Thus, true transition states or intermediates cannot be isolated or used as haptens for immunization. Instead, so-called transition-state analog molecules are used. Transition-state analog molecules are stable molecules that simply resemble a transition state (or intermediate) for a reaction of interestin terms of geometry and charge distribution. To the extent that the transition-state analog molecule resembles a true reaction transition state or intermediate, the elicited antibodies will also be complementary to that transition state or intermediate and thus lead to the catalytic acceleration of that reaction.
Catalytic antibodies bind very tightly to the transition-state analog haptens that were used to produce them during the immunization process.
The transition-state analog haptens only bind and do not react with catalytic antibodies. It is the substrates, for example, theanalogous ester molecules, that react. For this reason, transition-state analog haptens can interfere with the catalytic reaction by binding in the antibody binding pocket, thereby preventing any substrate molecules from binding and reacting. This inhibition by the transition-state analog hapten is always observed with catalytic antibodies, and is used as a first level of proof that catalytic antibodies are responsible for any observed catalytic reaction.The important feature of catalysis by antibodiesis that,
unlike enzymes, desired reaction selectivity can be programmed into the antibody by using an appropriately designed hapten.
Catalytic antibodies almost always demonstrate a high degree of substrate selectivity.
In addition, catalytic antibodies havebeen produced that have regioselectivity sufficient to produce a single product for a reaction in which other products are normally observed in the absence of the antibody.Finally, catalytic antibodies have been producedby immunization with a single-handed version (only left- or only right-handed) of a hapten, and only substrates with the same handedness can act as substrates for the resulting catalytic antibodies. The net result is that a high degree of stereoselectivity is observed in the antibody-catalyzed reaction.Abyzymes are artificial catalytic antibodies and come from the words “antibody” and “enzyme” They are monoclonal antibodies that have catalytic properties, or carry out catalysis. The figure bellow shows the active of site of the abyzyme chorismate mutase and side-chain interactions with the transition state analog.Last modified on 14 December 2010, at 22:21Wikibooks ™MobileDesktopContent is available underCC BY-SA 3.0u